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The Fourth International is regarded by Trotskyists and other communists as an important period in the history of their movement(s). Its programme, the Transitional Programme for Socialist Revolution, is used by many contemporary Trotskyists as a guide to use in adopting political positions today.
Trotsky and his supporters had been organised since 1930 as the International Left Opposition, which became the International Communist League in 1933. By declaring themselves the Fourth International, a "World Party of Socialist Revolution", the Trotskyists were publically asserting their continuity not only with the Comintern but also with the earlier Socialist International and the International Workingmens Association, the first International, which had been led by Karl MarxKarl Heinrich Marx ( May 5, 1818 March 14, 1883) was an influential German economist, philosopher, social and political theorist. Although Marx addressed many issues in his career as a journalist and philosopher, he is most famous for his analysis of hist. Their recognition of the importance of these earlier Internationals was coupled with a belief that they eventually degenerated. Although the Socialist International and Comintern were still in existence, the Trotskyists did not believe they were capable of supporting revolutionary internationalismInternationalism is a political movement which advocates a greater economic and political cooperation between nations for the benefit of all. Partisans of this movement, such as supporters of the World Federalist Movement, claim that nations should cooper.
The foundation of the International was therefore spurred in part by a desire to form a stronger political current, rather than just being seen as the communist opposition to the Comintern and the Soviet Union. Trotsky believed that its formation was all the more urgent for the role he saw it playing in the impending World WarWorld War II was the most extensive and costly armed conflict in the history of the world, involving the great majority of the world's nations, being fought simultaneously in several major theatres, and costing tens of millions of lives. The war was fough.
The International's rationale was to construct new mass revolutionary parties able to lead successful workers' revolutions. It saw these arising from a revolutionary wave which would develop alongside and as a result of the coming World War. The founding conference, in Paris, adopted the Transitional Programme as the International's political platform. An International Secretariat was established, with many of the day's leading Trotskyists and most countries in which Trotskyists were active represented.
At the outbreak of World War IIWorld War II was the most extensive and costly armed conflict in the history of the world, involving the great majority of the world's nations, being fought simultaneously in several major theatres, and costing tens of millions of lives. The war was fough, in 1939Events January-June January 2 End of term for Frank Finley Merriam, 28th Governor of California. He is succeeded by Culbert Levy Olson. January 24 Earthquake kills 30. 000 in Chile about 50. 000 sq mi razed January 26 Falangists take Barcelona January 26, the International Secretariat was moved to New YorkNew York is a state in the northeastern United States whose U. postal abbreviation is NY . It is sometimes called New York State when there is need to distinguish it from New York City. History See: History of New York New York was one of the thirteen col, where it came under the influence of the Socialist Workers Party. In practice it was little more than a post box during the war years, after which it was returned to Europe and lodged in Paris.
In 1940Events January-February January 5 FM radio is demonstrated to the FCC for the first time. January 6 World War II: Mass execution of Poles, committed by Germans in the Poznan, Warthegau. January 12 World War II: Russia bombs cities in Finland. February 2 F, the SWP split with Max ShachtmanMax Shachtman ( September 10 1904 1972) is best known as an American Trotskyist theorist. After leaving the pro-Soviet Communist Party, Shachtman was a leader of the Socialist Workers Party and was the editor of its theoretical journal New International'''s group forming the Workers Party, almost the same size as the remaining SWP. The split was centered around the Shachtmanites' disagreements with the SWP's internal regime, but in the background was their rejection of Trotsky's degenerated workers' state analysis of the Soviet Union. Secretariat members who supported Shachtman were expelled, with the support of Trotsky himself. A new secretary, Jean Van Heijenoort (a.k.a. Gerland), was appointed.
Gerland, Albert Goldman and Felix Morrow foresaw the revival of Stalinism and social democracy after the war, and argued for transitional politics in response. The SWP under James P. Cannon adhered rigidly to their interpretation of Trotsky's works, refusing to acknowledge new perspectives. They held that capitalism would suffer a major crisis after the war, resulting in a revolutionary situation. The British Revolutionary Communist Party disagreed and held that capitalism was not about to plunge into massive crisis but rather that an upturn in the economy was already underway. The leadership of the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste argued a similar position until they broke away in 1947.
The SWP viewed the above as incorrect and countered by rebuilding the International Secretariat of the Fourth International with Michel Raptis (generally known as Pablo), a Greek resident in France, and Ernest Mandel (sometimes called Germain), a Belgian. They were chosen because they were not prominent in large parties, but were thought to be loyal to the SWP. Pablo became the new secretary of the International, while Mandel became its chief theoretician.
Pablo and Mandel aimed to counter the perceived deviations of the RCP and PCI, initially by replacing their leaderships. They encouraged Gerry Healy's opposition in the RCP, and in France supported elements, including Pierre Frank, Bleibtreu and Favre, opposed to the leadership of the PCI for different reasons.
The Stalinist occupation of Eastern Europe was the issue requiring the most immediate theoretical investigation. At first, the International held that, while the USSR was a degenerated workers' state, the post-WW2 East European states were still bourgeois entities, because revolution from above was not possible. This position was revised later as the economies of the East European states and their political regimes came to resemble that of the USSR more and more. These states were described as deformed workers states in an analogy with the degenerated workers state in Russia. The term deformed was used rather than degenerated, because no workers' revolution had led to the foundation of these states.
Another issue that needed to be dealt with was the possibility that the economy would revive. This was denied by Mandel, later to become a Professor of Economics, who claimed that such a revival of the economy was impossible. The leadership of the RCP (Britain) opposed this idea in a polemical article written for them by Tony Cliff, entitled All That Glitters Is Not Gold. In that article he pointed out that an economic revival was already underway and that the economic perspectives of Mandel, which related to his political perspectives, were simply wrong in reality.
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